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Mar 25, · A picture of 2-Point Perspectives’ city How To Draw 3D Object/Building Using Two Point Perspective. The definition of it might be confusing. However, I believe you’ve slightly figured out how actually to give a shape to any object, or a building around the street into two point perspective. Apr 10, · Every word from Nigel Pearson on Bristol City draw with Nottingham Forest and Mark Ashton The manager gives his verdict on a point won in BS3 after draw .
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I thought he worked very, very hard. In the second half, he had a bit more of a ciyt influence. By Jack Dosson. Gregor MacGregor. Your information will be used in perspectkve with our Privacy Notice. Thank you for subscribing We have more newsletters Show me See our privacy notice.
Follow bristollive. Nigel Pearson reveals 'positive' talks with Steve Lansdown on his Bristol City future Football News No agreement yet but the Robins manager has finally met the club majority share holder for face-to-face discussions.
Bristol City Women earn precious point against fellow relegation battlers Aston Villa Women Bristol City Women Robins winless in six games now but the four bottom sides are separated by a single point in battle for WSL survival.
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Developments in the field of information and telecommunications in the context of international security. We at the R Street Institute believe, as many States have asserted, that existing international law applies in the context of information and communication technology ICT , including the UN Charter in its entirety. We will address three areas specifically: global supply chain integrity, data localization and cross-border data transfers, and the appropriate global legal framework for implementing cyber norms.
We have included policy language that Members are welcome to incorporate into the OEWG working paper. Among the important topics to be discussed are the cyber threat landscape; cyberspace rules, laws and norms; and confidence-building measures between States and non-State stakeholders.
The R Street Institute is pleased to take part in this meeting. Importantly, these discussions will build upon a bedrock of consensus that has developed through the past work of the GGE and Member States. Past GGE reports have already reached consensus on a variety of important matters. Beyond international law, the GGE report also included a set of non-binding norms for responsible State behavior.
Despite these core agreements, there remain several significant divergences between States. Although past GGE reports have reaffirmed that international law applies to cyberspace, stakeholders disagree on the applicability of international humanitarian law IHL. There is also disagreement about whether to create a new cyber convention. These debates are complex, and stakeholders have raised numerous arguments concerning these topics.
But although difficult questions remain, so much past progress toward identifying cyber norms and principles should not be negated by marginal disagreement. The OEWG report would best be served by focusing on the implementation of norms already developed through international consensus. To that end, this paper addresses three subjects that we believe will assist with the implementation of largely agreed-upon norms and shed light on some of the more complex legal and technical issues of global data security.
The complexity of the modern ICT supply chain can lead to a worrying opacity, as governments, companies and even private individuals struggle to identify potential threats. Concern about poor cybersecurity—or worse, backdoors or other systematic vulnerabilities mandated by foreign governments—are becoming commonplace.
Consider the furor over companies like Huawei in the United States. States should seek to prevent the proliferation of malicious ICT tools and techniques and the use of harmful hidden functions. Supply chain integrity is about global trust. Therefore, we propose the following implementation strategies of previously agreed-upon norms that any Member States may adopt:. The idea can be appealing because of the wealth of information ICT data could potentially provide a government regarding the activities and communications of criminals and potential terrorists.
Our scholars acknowledge that allowing encryption without backdoors comes with social costs for law enforcement and other agencies, and that States have the right to maintain sovereignty over their own borders. Our second proposed implementation strategy stems from the difficulty of assessing which links in the supply chain present unacceptable risks.
However, industry stakeholders may not have access to such information for a variety of reasons: Companies may not want to reveal information about previous breaches for fear of exposing their own security vulnerabilities or to protect their reputation with consumers.
Important information could be considered classified by government agencies and therefore hidden from the private sector. To identify potential supply chain risks more easily, States should consider how they can break down these information barriers. They should look for opportunities to build private-public partnerships, like public commissions to assess the security of existing ICT supply chains and publish results.
Similarly, our third proposed implementation strategy will require States to work in close connection with industry stakeholders. States cannot bear all the responsibility for supply chain integrity.
Members of the ICT industry, being on the front lines of a barrage of malicious cyber activity, must proactively install rigorous cybersecurity controls. States should seek ways to encourage this, such as making sure than existing ICT regulations do not provide perverse incentives in regards to assigning responsibility for cybersecurity breaches.
Our final suggested norm implementation strategy may seem like a non sequitur, given the topic at hand. A State worried about the security of its own ICT systems may consider favoring one domestic supplier as an attempt to protect its national security. But such strategies are counterproductive. Our R Street colleague Charles Duan succinctly describes this phenomenon:. By contrast, monopolized markets offer less external impetus to test products for flaws, and a monopolist may choose to focus less on security and more on new product features or increased product quality.
Supply chain integrity can be damaged just as easily by lax security standards and monopoly market control—where one vulnerability may be enough to bring down entire systems—as by malicious activities by rogue states. The global consequences of any government systematically undermining the integrity of ICT supply chains would extend far beyond economic loss. Violating supply chain integrity would directly diminish international trust, making our world far less secure.
R Street urges stakeholders to approach supply chain security with a long-term perspective that maintains international peace and security. With an increasingly interconnected ICT global community comes a massive volume of valuable data on human activity. As a result, companies want to move data freely across borders to facilitate economic and social activity, while governments want to protect it for their purposes.
This brings us to a finer point of the global data regulation debate, one on which we believe it is possible to achieve a majority consensus: data localization and cross-border data transfers. Regardless of the desires of various equities involved in this discussion about fluidity of and access to data, one principle remains true: Internet commerce and communication thrive on the free flow of information and open sharing of data.
Digital borders will only harm the global economy, breed mistrust among various equities and induce insecurity in an already insecure cyber environment. Increasingly, States have begun to implement data localization laws that require all data generated within the country to be physically stored there. These blanket data localization practices are simply a second iteration of Internet border controls, the first being censorship.
The international community has condemned unjustified restrictions on the flow of information into a country—i. It must now condemn unjustified restrictions on the flow of information out of the country—i. We understand the desire for Member States to keep the value of their data within their borders to avoid intellectual property theft, restrict foreign suppliers from infiltrating delicate domestic markets or readily access useful information.
However, these rationales do not comport with the purpose of the UN—above all, to maintain peace and security. The OEWG must recognize that there are illegitimate purposes for restricting the free flow of data.
Economic protectionism is one such illegitimate reason. We fear that States may express legitimate reasons for localizing data as pretenses for illegitimate purposes, and we therefore implore Member States to define what they consider legitimate and strongly condemn actions outside of that issued guidance. As for legitimate purposes, we would encourage Member States to consider that data is not safe solely because it is stored within their own borders.
If a government is concerned with what we would call a justified event e. Therefore, for states who are unable or unwilling to abide by this global norm, we would recommend that bilateral or multilateral treaties be utilized to achieve clarification on cross-border data transfer regulations.
With company-to-data subject agreements, we would recommend utilizing contract clauses, presented in plain language, to ensure that consumers have access to information about what their data is being used for and have recourse with the host state in the event of a cyber incident, misuse or mishandling of data. Of course, even these treaties may not be enough to ensure that each country is willing to lift data localization restrictions to the degree necessary to facilitate free and open data sharing practices.
We would urge clear guidance on the ability of governments to demand encryption keys by way of bilateral agreements. Again, we implore member states to utilize multilateral agreements to facilitate transparent and efficient data sharing and cross-border investigation practices. As we discuss facilitating data transfers, it is important to acknowledge that not all data recipients will be equipped with the cybersecurity and privacy standards that are necessary to secure data adequately.
We highly recommend that any cross-border data sharing arrangements adhere to two main principles: the availability of enforceable data subject rights and effective legal remedies for data subjects. Data is valuable and must be protected. However, there are remedies that do not unduly restrict the free and peaceful flow of data across borders.
Erecting digital borders will only weaken the global economy, and we strongly urge each Member State to consider this proposal as an alternative to data localization and restrictive data access laws.
Although the OEWG report should focus on implementation—including the policy topics addressed above—it is also important to look forward and consider the ongoing debate on how international law applies in cyberspace.
For example, it is debatable whether a new legally binding agreement is necessary to address global cybersecurity challenges. Indeed, both private industry and Member States have made proposals for a new convention. A future convention may ultimately be useful. After all, a comprehensive cyber convention could serve as an important source of international law and provide greater legal clarity for Member States.
Nevertheless, Member States and stakeholders must first prioritize the domestic implementation of norms before turning to longer-term international agreements.
The unique and evolving challenges of the ICT environment suggest this approach. Of course, a new cyber convention would not be the first of its kind. The Convention on Cybercrime of the Council of Europe Budapest Convention , for instance, has been signed and ratified by dozens of States. The Budapest Convention—the only modern agreement of its kind—has been a success, but as technology evolves, the agreement has required consistent upkeep.
To address these changes, negotiations for a Second Additional Protocol to the nearly twenty-year-old Budapest Convention are currently underway. A similar fate would likely befall any new cyber convention, despite its positive merits.
Even if the process began for a new cyber convention, it should not distract from the implementation of previously agreed-upon cyber norms. After all, through negotiation and consistent developments in ICTs, a new cyber convention has the potential to be both over- and under-inclusive. It could instill legally binding restrictions that could unintentionally limit ICT advancement and fail to address every category of agreed-upon norms, resulting in the unfortunate prioritization of some norms over others.
Further, the strength of many conventions—like the Budapest Convention—is their ability to serve as guides for Member States to craft domestic legislation and policies that are more uniform and helpful across the globe. The implementation of norms asserted in the GGE report already serves this purpose.
This implementation can in part be guided by current international law. Nevertheless, it is disputed whether certain aspects of international law, including international humanitarian law IHL , apply in cyberspace. We believe IHL does apply and are not persuaded that IHL would invite greater conflict and eager military retaliation for cyber mischief. These debates, however, can remain separate from the ultimate OEWG report, which should prioritize the pragmatic implementation of existing, agreed-upon norms.
We thank the United Nations for hosting this important and timely discussion. We hope that our contributions helpfully inform the evolving conversation on security of the global cyber network.
If any stakeholder or Member State has questions or comments, please do not hesitate to reach out to our team at the R Street Institute. Anthony Marcum Fellow, Governance [email protected]. Dec 3, Download PDF. Therefore, we propose the following implementation strategies of previously agreed-upon norms that any Member States may adopt: States should agree not to force ICT companies to include backdoors in ICT devices and avoid other systematic government interventions in the ICT supply chain.
States should also publicly condemn any government-sponsored or -approved activities that intentionally violate supply chain integrity. States should pass domestic laws and international treaties that make it easier for companies to reveal discovered vulnerabilities and share information about potential risks. States should promote risk management practices among industry stakeholders within their own borders.